of that use. If it is fixed precisely at the | |||
lowest market price, it ruins, with honest people | |||
who respect the laws of their country, the | |||
credit of all those who cannot give the very | |||
best security, and obliges them to have recourse | |||
to exorbitant usurers. In a country | |||
such as Great Britain, where money is lent to | |||
government at three per cent. and to private | |||
people, upon good security, at four and four | |||
and a-half, the present legal rate, five per cent. | |||
is perhaps as proper as any. | |||
The legal rate, it is to be observed, though | |||
it ought to be somewhat above, ought not to | |||
be much above the lowest market rate. If | |||
the legal rate of interest in Great Britain, | |||
for example, was fixed so high as eight or ten | |||
per cent. the greater part of the money which | |||
was to be lent, would be lent to prodigals and | |||
projectors, who alone would be willing to give | |||
this high interest. Sober people, who will | |||
give for the use of money no more than a | |||
part of what they are likely to make by the | |||
use of it, would not venture into the competition. | |||
A great part of the capital of the | |||
country would thus be kept out of the hands | |||
which were most likely to make a profitable | |||
and advantageous use of it, and thrown into | |||
those which were most likely to waste and destroy | |||
it. Where the legal rate of interest, on | |||
the contrary, is fixed but a very little above | |||
the lowest market rate, sober people are universally | |||
preferred, as borrowers, to prodigals | |||
and projectors. The person who lends money | |||
gets nearly as much interest from the former | |||
as he dares to take from the latter, and his | |||
money is much safer in the hands of the one | |||
set of people than in those of the other. A | |||
great part of the capital of the country is thus | |||
thrown into the hands in which it is most | |||
likely to be employed with advantage. | |||
No law can reduce the common rate of interest | |||
below the lowest ordinary market rate | |||
at the time when that law is made. Notwithstanding | |||
the edict of 1766, by which the | |||
French king attempted to reduce the rate of | |||
interest from five to four per cent. money | |||
continued to be lent in France at five per | |||
cent. the law being evaded in several different | |||
ways. | |||
The ordinary market price of land, it is to | |||
be observed, depends everywhere upon the ordinary | |||
market rate of interest. The person | |||
who has a capital from which he wishes to derive | |||
a revenue, without taking the trouble to | |||
employ it himself, deliberates whether he | |||
should buy land with it, or lend it out at interest. | |||
The superior security of land, together | |||
with some other advantages which almost | |||
everywhere attend upon this species of | |||
property, will generally dispose him to content | |||
himself with a smaller revenue from land, | |||
than what he might have by lending out his | |||
money at interest. These advantages are sufficient | |||
to compensate a certain difference of | |||
revenue; but they will compensate a certain | |||
difference only; and if the rent of land should | |||
fall short of the interest of money by a greater | |||
difference, nobody would buy land, which | |||
would soon reduce its ordinary price. On | |||
the contrary, if the advantages should much | |||
more than compensate the difference, everybody | |||
would buy land, which again would | |||
soon raise its ordinary price. When interest | |||
was at ten per cent. land was commonly sold | |||
for ten or twelve years purchase. As interest | |||
sunk to six, five, and four per cent. the price | |||
of land rose to twenty, five-and-twenty, and | |||
thirty years purchase. The market rate of | |||
interest is higher in France than in England, | |||
and the common price of land is lower. In | |||
England it commonly sells at thirty, in France | |||
at twenty years purchase. | |||
CHAP. V. | |||
OF THE DIFFERENT EMPLOYMENTS OF | |||
CAPITALS. | |||
Though all capitals are destined for the maintenance | |||
of productive labour only, yet the | |||
quantity of that labour which equal capitals | |||
are capable of putting into motion, varies extremely | |||
according to the diversity of their employment; | |||
as does likewise the value which | |||
that employment adds to the annual produce | |||
of the land and labour of the country. | |||
A capital may be employed in four different | |||
ways; either, first, in procuring the rude | |||
produce annually required for the use and | |||
consumption of the society; or, secondly, in | |||
manufacturing and preparing that rude produce | |||
for immediate use and consumption; or, | |||
thirdly in transporting either the rude or manufactured | |||
produce from the places where | |||
they abound to those where they are wanted; | |||
or, lastly, in dividing particular portions of | |||
either into such small parcels as suit the occasional | |||
demands of those who want them. | |||
In the first way are employed the capitals of | |||
all those who undertake improvement or cultivation | |||
of lands, mines, or fisheries; in the | |||
second, those of all master manufacturers; in | |||
the third, those of all wholesale merchants; | |||
and in the fourth, those of all retailers. It is | |||
difficult to conceive that a capital should be | |||
employed in any way which may not be classed | |||
under some one or other of these four. | |||
Each of those four methods of employing | |||
a capital is essentially necessary, either to the | |||
existence or extension of the other three, or | |||
to the general conveniency of the society. | |||
Unless a capital was employed in furnishing | |||
rude produce to a certain degree of abundance, | |||
neither manufactures nor trade of any kind | |||
could exist. | |||
Unless a capital was employed in manufacturing | |||