labourers. The women return to their parents, | |||
and commonly spin, in order to make | |||
clothes for themselves and their families. | |||
Even the independent workmen do not always | |||
work for public sale, but are employed by | |||
some of their neighbours in manufactures for | |||
family use. The produce of their labour, | |||
therefore, frequently makes no figure in those | |||
public registers, of which the records are sometimes | |||
published with so much parade, and | |||
from which our merchants and manufacturers | |||
would often vainly pretend to announce the | |||
prosperity or declension of the greatest empires. | |||
Though the variations in the price of labour | |||
not only do not always correspond with those | |||
in the price of provisions, but are frequently | |||
quite opposite, we must not, upon this account, | |||
imagine that the price of provisions has | |||
no influence upon that of labour. The money | |||
price of labour is necessarily regulated by two | |||
circumstances; the demand for labour, and | |||
the price of the necessaries and conveniencies | |||
of life. The demand for labour, according as | |||
it happens to be increasing, stationary, or declining, | |||
or to require an increasing, stationary, | |||
or declining population, determines the | |||
quantities of the necessaries and conveniencies | |||
of life which must be given to the labourer; | |||
and the money price of labour is determined | |||
by what is requisite for purchasing this quantity. | |||
Though the money price of labour, | |||
therefore, is sometimes high where the price | |||
of provisions is low, it would be still higher, | |||
the demand continuing the same, if the price | |||
of provisions was high. | |||
It is because the demand for labour increases | |||
in years of sudden and extraordinary | |||
plenty, and diminishes in those of sudden and | |||
extraordinary scarcity, that the money price of | |||
labour sometimes rises in the one, and sinks | |||
in the other. | |||
In a year of sudden and extraordinary plenty, | |||
there are funds in the hands of many of | |||
the employers of industry, sufficient to maintain | |||
and employ a greater number of industrious | |||
people than had been employed the year | |||
before; and this extraordinary number cannot | |||
always be had. Those masters, therefore, who | |||
want more workmen, bid against one another, | |||
in order to get them, which sometimes raises | |||
both the real and the money price of their labour. | |||
The contrary of this happens in a year of | |||
sudden and extraordinary scarcity. The funds | |||
destined for employing industry are less than | |||
they had been the year before. A considerable | |||
number of people are thrown out of employment, | |||
who bid one against another, in order | |||
to get it, which sometimes lowers both the | |||
real and the money price of labour. In 1740, | |||
a year of extraordinary scarcity, many people | |||
were willing to work for bare subsistence. In | |||
the succeeding years of plenty, it was more | |||
difficult to get labourers and servants. | |||
The scarcity of a dear year, by diminishing | |||
the demand for labour, tends to lower its | |||
price, as the high price of provisions tends to | |||
raise it. The plenty of a cheap year, on the | |||
contrary, by increasing the demand, tends to | |||
raise the price of labour, as the cheapness of | |||
provisions tends to lower it. In the ordinary | |||
variations of the prices of provisions, those | |||
two opposite causes seem to counterbalance | |||
one another, which is probably, in part, the | |||
reason why the wages of labour are everywhere | |||
so much more steady and permanent | |||
than the price of provisions. | |||
The increase in the wages of labour necessarily | |||
increases the price of many commodities, | |||
by increasing that part of it which resolves | |||
itself into wages, and so far tends to diminish | |||
their consumption, both at home and abroad. | |||
The same cause, however, which raises the | |||
wages of labour, the increase of stock, tends | |||
to increase its productive powers, and to make | |||
a smaller quantity of labour produce a greater | |||
quantity of work. The owner of the stock | |||
which employs a great number of labourers | |||
necessarily endeavours, for his own advantage, | |||
to make such a proper division and distribution | |||
of employment, that they may be enabled | |||
to produce the greatest quantity of work possible. | |||
For the same reason, he endeavours to | |||
supply them with the best machinery which | |||
either he or they can think of. What takes | |||
place among the labourers in a particular | |||
workhouse, takes place, for the same reason, | |||
among those of a great society. The greater | |||
their number, the more they naturally divide | |||
themselves into different classes and subdivisions | |||
of employments. More heads are occupied | |||
in inventing the most proper machinery | |||
for executing the work of each, and it is, | |||
therefore, more likely to be invented. There | |||
are many commodities, therefore, which, in | |||
consequence of these improvements, come to | |||
be produced by so much less labour than before, | |||
that the increase of its price is more than | |||
compensated by the diminution of its quantity. | |||
CHAP. IX. | |||
OF THE PROFITS OF STOCK. | |||
The rise and fall in the profits of stock depend | |||
upon the same causes with the rise and | |||
fall in the wages of labour, the increasing or | |||
declining state of the wealth of the society; | |||
but those causes affect the one and the other | |||
very differently. | |||
The increase of stock, which raises wages, | |||
tends to lower profit. When the stocks of | |||
many rich merchants are turned into the same | |||
trade, their mutual competition naturally tends | |||
to lower its profit; and when there is a like | |||